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A!rmative Marketing Handbook: A Guide to

Integrated Housing

Jud Wunker

Northwestern Indiana Regional Planning Commission

Wilma Sco"

Fair Housing Center of Home Investments Fund

Donald L. DeMarco

Village of Park Forest

Dudle Onderdonk

Village of Park Forest

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3 1611 00048 6396

AFFIRMATIVE MARKETING HANDBOOK:

nn

7293

• 62 x

A

GU

IDE ro INTEGRATED HOUSING

By

•

Judy

Wunker

Wilma

Scott

Donald DeMarco

Dudley Onderdonk

GOVERNORS

STATE

UNIVERSITY

LIBRARY

11

1111

1

11U

l

ll

111

11

3 1611 00048 6396

'"'t(

L_'.'I

FF

I

RMATIVE

MARKETING

HANDBOOK

:

A

GU

!DE

TO

INTEGRATED

HOUSING

by

Judy

Wunke

r

Wllina

Scott

Donald L. DeHarco

Dudley Onderdonk

Graphics

by: Cheryl Lynne Hunt, Bloomin

gto

n.

Ind

iana

Printed

at

Governors

State

University

Park

Forest

Soutll,

Illinois

ITY

The

preparation

of

this

doclJllll!nt

was

financed

in

part

through a

C~rehensh

Planning

Grant

from

the

U.

S. Department

of

Housing

and

Urban Developrl!nt

as

administered

by

the

!11fno1s Department

of

Local Government

Affairs,

under

the

provisions

of

Section

701

of

the

Housing Act

of

1954.

as

amended. and 1

part

with

a

grant

frOll

the

South Suburban Hayors and Managers

Associatlor

Published

in

June

1979

by

the

Planning

Division

of

the

Vlllage

of

Park

Forest.

Illinois,

in

coope

rati

on

with

the

South Suburban Housing

Center.

JUL

22

198:i

About

the

Authors

Juczy

Wunker,

formerly assis

tant

planner for the

Village

of

Park

Forest,

is

now

employed

by

the

Northwestern Indiana

Regional

Planning

Cornnission.

She

received her Bachelor's degree

from

Indiana

University

and

her Master's degree

from

the

Uni-

versity

of

Chicago.

Her

thesis dealt

with

the

history

of

segregation in the housing

market

and

the establishment

of

Chicago

area

fair

housing

centers.

Wilma

Scott

is

presently

employed

as

a housing

counselor

with

the Fair

Housing

Center

of

Home

Investments

Fund

in

Chicago.

She

previously

was

employed

by

the

South

Suburban

Housing

Center in

Homewood,

Illinois,

as

a housing counselor.

Ms.

Scott received her Bachelor

of

Arts degree

in

Political

Science,

Tuskegee

Institute.

She

now

lives in

Park

Forest with her family.

Donald

L.

DeMarco

is

the Village

of

P1rk

Forest,

Ill

inofs Assfstant Vfllage

Manager

wfth

primary

responsibility for

co11111Unity

relations

and

inte-

gration (maintenance).

He

is

considered

one

of

the nation's leading theoreticians, consultants,

and

activists

for affirmative action for racially

colll!Dn

housing markets.

With

previous professional

municipal intergroup relations experience

in

May-

wood,

Ill

.,

Jackson, Mich.,

and

Toledo,

Ohio,

after

graduation

from

Bowling

Green

State

Uni-

versity,

DeMarco

has

coordinated affinnative

marketing seminars for real

estate

brokers

and

property managers,

government

officials,

neigh-

borhood

associations, school

officials,

and

other

interested

citizens.

He

and

his

interracial

family reside in the

All-America

City

of

Park

Forest.

Oudl~

Onderdonk

has

been

the Village Planner

for

Park

Forest,

Illinois

since

1973.

He

received

his

B.A.

from

Ohio

Wesleyan

University

and

he

holds

Master's degrees

from

both

Ohio

State

and

Govel'llors

State Universities. Astudent

of

housing

affairs,

he

has

published several

articles

concerning segre-

gation in the housing market

and

served

as

a

conmunity

development

consu

ltant

to several

midwestern

communities.

Also

a Park Forest

resident,

Mr.

Onderdonk

served as the Planner-

in-charge for the production

of

th1s

handbook.

PREFACE

As

fair

housing

laws have been

adopted

during

the

late

1960's

and

the

70's,

tools

have been forged

for

implementing

integration

and

fighting

dis-

crimination

and

segregation

.

One

suc

h

tool,

affirmative

marketi

ng. has

come

to

public

attention

as

the

implementatio

n

of

affirmative

action

became an

im-

portant

issue

in

the

Un

i

ted

S

tat

es.

For

those

groups

interested

in

avoiding

(re)segregation

and

promoting

integrated

cornnunities through

affirmative

marketing,

literature

on

the

subject

is

sparse

and

scattered.

Because

of

the

need

for

a

coqirehensive

guide,

we

pulled

together

existing

information,

and pooled

our

own

ideas

,

observations

and

experiences

concerning

affirmative

marketing

to

form

this

handbook.

This

guide

is

directed

to

fafr

housing

organizations,

municipalities,

members

of

the

hou

sing

ind

u

stry,

and

coll'ITl

unity

organizations

who

are

interested

in

the

implementation

of

an

af

firmative

market

in

g program, and want

to

know

what and

how

actions

might

be

taken.

Many

people

have

helped

us with

our

research.

We

want

to

especially

thank

Kathy Cardona ,

of

the

South Suburban Housing

Center.

for

her

editorial

a

ssista

n

ce

and Kale

Willi

ams

and

the

staff

of

the

Leadership

Council

for

(Chicago) Metro-

politan

Open

Conrnunities

for

their

overall

comnents and

legal

analysis.

UNI

ERSITY

LI

I L

AFffRMATIV£

MARKETING

HANDBOOK:

A

GUI

DE

TO

INTEGRATED

HOUSING

TABLE

OF

CON

TENT

S

About

the

Authors

Preface

Table

of

Contents

Glossary

of

Term<;.

Part

One: The

Affinnative

Marketing

Concept

l)

Affirmative Marketing:

Why?

2)

Historical

V1ew

of

Segregation

3) The Leg

al

Basis

for

Affirmative

Marketing

4)

Who

is

Responsible

for

Affinnative

Marketing

Part

Two:

Starting

an

Affirmative

Marketing

Program

5)

Goals

and

Obje

ctives

6)

Data

Collection

7)

Organizational

Details

Bl Funding

Part

Three:

Action

Strategies

9)

Dealing

with

the

Federal

and

State

Governments

10)

The

Fair

Housing

Organization

and

Homeseeker

Counseling

11)

Ed

ucational

Programs

12)

Affirmative

Advertising

and

Conmmity

Image

13) S

chool

Systems

and

Affirmative

Market1ng

14) The

Audit

Part

Four:

Evaluation

and

Feedback

15)

Ev

aluating

the

Affirmative

Marketing

Program

16) Opposing Views

and

Rejoinders

Bibliography

GLOSSA~Y

OF

TERMS

AFFIRMATIVE

MARKETING:

A

special

effort

to

attract

to

a

development

or

a

com-

munity merrbers

of

racial

and

ethnic

groups which would

not

ordinarily

be

ex-

pected

to

be

attracted

through

the

normal mechanisms

of

the

commercial

market.

BLACK

CLUSTERING:

This

term

is

being

used

to

describe

the

situatioiijn

which

several

black

families

live

as

immediate

neighbors

within

an

area

cbnsisting

mainly

of

white

neighbors.

BLOCK

BUSTING:

Soliciting

housing

listings

from

white

homeowners,

after

the

initial

entry

into

the

vicinity

by

minority

group

buyers

or

renters,

by

induc-

ing

the

whites

to

fear

wholesale

racial

transition

and/or

neighborhood

deteri-

oration.

CHANGING

COMMUNITY:

A community

in

which

the

traditional

class

or

racial

make-up 1s

undergoing

change,

sometimes

as

a

result

of

"white

flight."

but

more

usually

as

a

result

of

whites

dropping

out

of

competition

for

housing.

A

changing

or

transitional

community

is

not

an

integrated

community.

DESEGREGATION:

Opening

of

housing,

services

and

facilities

to

all

groups

of

people.

DISCRIMINATION:

Unequal

treatment

based

on membership

in

a

certain

group

without

relation

either

to

individual

capacity

or

merit.

DUAL

HOUSING

MARKET:

Two

(or

more)

systems

of

housing

delivery

practices,

differently

and

independently

operated

in

the

areas

of

real

estate.

EQUAL

OPPORTUNITY:

Access by

all

people

to

full

participation

in

all

insti-

tutions.

GHETIO:

An

area

in

which

the

residents

are

determined

by

racial,

political

and

social

pressures,

and from which

they

cannot

freely

move.

ILLEGAL

RACIAL

STEERING:

Practices

by

real

estate

sales

people

and

others

which

tend

to

limit,

bar

or

circumvent

integration

and promote

(re)segregation.

INTEGRATED

HOUSING

MARKET:

A

market

in

which

people

of

different

races,

ethnic

groups and

religions

are

competing

for

housing

in

numbers

generally

reflective

of

their

presence

in

the

total

area

population.

100%

of

the

people

competing

for

100%

of

the

housing

options.

INTEGRATION:

Deliberate

cooperation

in

affording

access

to

housing,

services

and

facilities

to

all

groups

of

people.

INTEGRATION-FUNCTIONAL:

The

continuing

desirability

of

a community

as

a

place

of

residence

for

all

people.

INTEGRATION

MAINTENANCE:

The

use

of

educational

and

service

programs

to

encour-

age

the

continuance

of

integration

in

the

community.

INTEGRATION

MANAGEMENT:

The use

of

programs

intended

to

assure

the

continuance

of

integration,

including

efforts

to

control

(manage)

racial

composition

of

a

community, sometimes done

at

the

expense

of

the

individual's

right

to

make

the

final

determination.

MAJORITY:

The dominant group

in

society.

MINORITY:

Designation

for

groups

other

than

majority.

MULTI-RACIAL:

Many

races.

NON-DISCRIMINATION:

Equal

treatment

for

all

people.

OPEN

COMMUNITY:

A community which

affords

equal

opportunity

in

housing,

services

and

facilities

to

all

people;

may

be

all

white;

all

black,

mixed,

in

transition

or

integrated.

PANIC-PEDDLING:

A mass

effort

to

list

homes

for

sale

on

the

basis

of

racial

fear;

rumors

are

sometimes

circulated

by

real

estat'e

sales

people

and

residents

who

allege

it

is

"time

to

get

out

before

the

neighborhood

goes

down"

a form

of

block

busting.

PREJUDICE:

An

unfavorable

attitude

toward

a

people

as a group drawn from

irrational

emotions and

assumptions.

RESEGREGATION:

Change

of

an

integrated

(or

desegregated)

residential

area

to

a

segregated

area.

SEGREGATION:

The

separation

of

residence area, services

and

other

facilities

on

the basis of race,

religion,

ethnic

group

or social

class,

whether

in-

voluntary or voluntary, the

latter

often being the present

consequence

of past

discrimination.

SELF-STEERING

BY

RACE:

White

and

black "voluntary" avoidance

by

foreclosing

housing options based

on

the

other's

presence.

It

is

not

illegal,

but

is

caused

by

the impact

of

unrectified past discrimination.

SEPARATISM:

The

theory or doctrine of people living in separate societies

according to racial or other

distinctions.

UNITARY

HOUSING

MARKET:

A single

open

housing

market

in

which

members

of

all

races

and

groups

rece1

ve

the

same

services

and

actually

compete

on

equal

terms.

Part One.

The

Aff1rmat1ve

Marketing

Concept

1)

Affirmative

Marketing

Introduction

The

commitment

to

equality

is

at

the

very

heart

and soul

of

the

American

experiment.

For

those

who

share

that

commitment

the

spectre

of

"

...

two

societies,

one

black, one white -

separate

and unequal"

raised

by

the

Kerner Commission

is

the

greatest

threat,

and

its

replacemnt

by

one

free,

open

society,

the

greatest

cha

11

enge.1

"Two

societies,

separate

and unequal"

is

a

valid

description

of

the

segre-

gated communities and neighborhoods which

characterize

most major urban

areas.

Those

segregated communities

are

the

product,

not

of

individual

choice,

but

of

a

complex

and

inter-related

set

of

practices

by

private

parties

-

builders.

real

estate

brokers,

lenders

and owners -

often

abetted

by

governments -

fed-

eral,

state

and

local

-designed

to

keep people

separate.

Affirmative

market-

ing

works

to

overcome

segregation

and maintain

racial

diversity.

This

chapter

will

discuss

open

housing,

the

dual housing market, and

the

need

for

affirmative

marketing.

"Segregation in housing

...

is

the

result

of

past

discriminatory

practice~

in

which

the

private

housing

in~ustry

and

federal,

state

and

local

government

have

been

a,ctive

participants."

The

institutionalization

of

these

discriminatory

practices

has

created

a

dual

housing market which

for

six

decades has

operated

to

create

and

enforce

segregation,

and

to

provide

additional

housing

for

growing

black

and

minority

population only

at

the

edges

of

the

ghetto.

One

approach

to

overcoming housing

segregation

centers

on

open housing.

Open

housing can

be

defined

as a

state

of

affairs

in

which people

of

all

races,

colors,

or

ethnic

groups, and people

of

all

economic

stations

have

free

and

equal access

to

the

full

range

of

housing

options.

Open

housing

is

a

relatively

new

legal

concept.

Although

blacks

have

resided in America

for

over

350

years,

racial

discrimination

in

the

sale

or

rental

of

housing has been a

violation

of

federal

law

for

only

ten.years.

In

1968

Congress

first

declared,

"It

is

the

policy

of

the

United

States

to provide, within

constituti~nal

limitations,

for

fair

(open) housing

throughout

the

United

States"

and

enacted

a

series

of

prohibitions

against

discrimination in housing

on

the

grounds

of

race,

color,

religion

or

national

origin.

The

passage

of

Title

VIII

of

the

Civil

Rights Act

of

1968 outlawed housing

1-1

d1scr1•1nat1on

as

a

1Wtter

of

national

law The

saimo

year

tn•

U.S.

Su:>reme

Court.

In

Jones

v, Mayer.

applied

an 1866

federal

statue

to

a

Missouri

case

and found

racial

discr1~inatlon

in

tne

sale

or

rental

of

ho~lng

LO

violate

lhe

constitutional

quarantee

of

equal

protection

of

the

law.

Despite

the

requiremen

ts

of

the

law.

all

llclJOr

metropolitan

areas

rer-e1n

highly

segregated

by

race.

If

the

housing

inarket

were

truly

open,

one would

expect

a qradu.il

filtering

of

minority

households

from

highly

segreqated

nelqhborhoods

Into

the

larger

connunity.

In

general.

however.

this

has

not

been

the

case

. Our

cities

continue

to

resegregate

neighborhood by

neighbor-

hood w1th

the

resegrega

t

ion

process

"jumping"

to

certa

In

suburban

areas.

The

racial

resegregation

of

neighborhoods and con111unlties

conti

nues

despite

open

housing

laws and

civ

il

rights

organizations.

Patterns

of

behav-

ior

on

the

part

of

housing

suppliers

and

consumers,

formed

ovpr

decades

If

not

centuries,

are

not

easily

altered

with

the

mere

passage

of

national

and

state

laW).

None

of

the

legislation

provided

for

any

remedial

affirmative

action

to

correct

the

present

effects

of

past

acts

of

discrimination

del!tlll!d

to

have

been

soc

la

lly

destructive.

Integration

has been

widely

percehed

as

a

br1ef

period

of

Interracial

occupancy

separating

the

arrival

of

the

first

black

fa111ly and

the

departure

of

the

last

white

household.

Even

the

vigorous

enforcement

of

open

housing

laws

will

nol

guarantee

an

integrated

cOlll:IJl!lty. Where open

housing

la~

are

1n

force,

the

comainlty

my

be

all

wl!He.

all

black.

iaull1-rac 1a1.

in

racial

lrans1tion.

or

Integrated.

The Dual Housing Market

C00111Un1t1es

faced

with

the

prospect

of

racial

resegregatlon

lllUSt

come

to

understand

the

dual

housing

111cJrket

(which

creates

traditional

housinq

patterns)

1f

they

are

to

maintain

racial

diversity.

The

dual

housing

111arket

ls

one ..tilch

separates

the

housing

supply

into

one

virtually

all-white

nirket

Md

another

for

blacks

and

other

minorities.

A

un1tary

irurket

would

exist

if.

throughout

all

parts

of

the

Fllilrket

area,

people

of

all

races

and

ethnic

groups

were

looking

for

housing,

apply-

ing

for

housing,

and

living

in

nunbers which

are

generally

reflective

of

all

the

melfber

races

who

desire

and

can

afford

the

types

or

housing

available.

In

the

dual

housing

l!lilrket,

blacks

are

steered

or

stePr

themselves to

conmunlLies

predominantly

occupied

by

blacks,

or

to

those

few

conmunities

which

have

qalned

reputations

as

open

to

minority

residents.

Whites focus

their

housing

co"1)etition

on

sections

of

the

market

where

blacks

are

not

co"1)etlng.

The

long

te,,,.

effect

Is

a

conti

nuation

of

a

social

order

in

which

blacks

and

other

minorities

reside

in

one

place

and

whites

In

another

.

Interracial

co..,,..nitles

seeking

stability

continue

to

find

It

difficult

to remain

racially

heterogeneous

as

disproportionate

Njority

and 111tnorlty tlousing dttr.ands

are

channeled

toward them.

Causes

of

the Dual

Ha

rkel

Thp

dUil

h0usln9

.arket

Is

caused

by

three

111jor

societal

forces

(1)

l'l!r-

ket

lnstttut1ons.

(Z)

qovernment. and

(3)

indlvlduals.

Of

all

the

forces,

the

real

e~tate

co"""'nlty.

includino

developers

and

financial

1n~tllutlons.

has

the

\tronqest

control

over

housing.

The

real

estate

connunlty

has

greatly

con

fr

1butrd

to

the

du.i1

housing

onarket

throuqh

racia

I

steering

1-2

Racial steering

is

a term

used

to describe discriminatory

activity

in the

showing

of

homes

to prospective buyers. Steering

is

encouraging a

homeseeker

into or

away

from

specific

geographic areas and/or

downgrading

certain

com-

munities through negative remarks.

When

steering

is

based

on

the skin color

of the

homeseeker,

it

is

termed

racial steering.

The

U.S.

Department

of

Justice

and

the courts

have

regularly construed

such

steering

as

a violation

of the requirement

that

all

housing

be

available to everyone equally.

Before

1968,

it

was

not necessary to practice racial

steering.

Neighbor-

hoods

were

segregated

by

race. This segregation

was

considered the natural

state

of

affairs

and

racial segregation

was

necessary to protect the property

values

and

life-styles

of

all

involved.

In

the

South

and

in

some

northern rural areas, whites

and

blacks could

live together because the blacks

worked

for

and

were

subordinate to the

whites. Blacks in

that

society

were

individually

known

and

accountable to

the whites in the neighborhood.

On

the other hand,

in

northern industrial

cities,

working

class blacks

and

whites

became

competitors for jobs, housing,

and

so

forth.

Many

blacks

were

imported to break the unions organized

by

white workers. Conflict

between

unions

and

strikebreakers

made

separation

for the sake of

peace

seem

a responsible action.

The

separation of blacks

and

whites benefitted the business

community

by

(1) reducing social unrest,

and

(2) dividing the

working

classes.

Past

governmental

rulings

and

activities

have

also contributed to the

present

dual

marketplace.

The

early separate but equal

Jim

Crow

laws

con-

tributed to a dual society in

which

whites lived in

one

area

and

blacks

and

other minorities.were encouraged to

live

in other segregated areas.

The

effect

of

administrative practice in housing

programs

such

as

the

Federal

Housing

Administration

(FHA)

loan

programs

was

to 1imit

new

construc-

tion to white areas. Furthennore, until

1948

racially

restrictive

covenants

on

land ownership

were

used

to

keep

blacks out of certain residential areas.

Even

now,

with the exception

or

a

few

municipalities. govemmental

law

merely

prohibits

discrimination--it

does

not attack the

problem

of

segregation.

Individual decisions

in

the housing

market

have

tended to follow the

path of

least

resistance.

Homeseekers,

both majority

and

minority,

have

directed themselves

toward

certain

communities. Minorities

have

directed

themselves

toward

communities

perceived

as

open

and

away

from

those perceived

as

closed, while whites

have

reserved

their

competition for areas

that

exclude

blacks.

Racial

self-steering

continues;

it

is

neither-illegal

nor unnatural.

Most

minority

group

members

will

gravitate

to areas

of

least

resistance

and

away

from

those

of

greatest

resistance. Similarly, non-minorities seek to avoid

what

they perceive to

be

problem

areas.

How

Neighborhoods

Resegregate

Most

neighborhoods in

city

and

suburban areas began.as

racially

exclusive.

Relatively

few

whites

would

think of

selling

or

renting

their

homes

to minority

buyers

and

few

minority people seriously considered living in all-white areas.

With

the advent

of

fair

housing

legislation,

rising

minority

income,

and

the large increase of the black middle

class,

pressure

began

to develop within

both the white

and

black

community

to provide for add'itional housing for minor-

ities

in previously all-white areas. Racial

transition

started

when

the

first

1-3

blad

families

ll)ved

into

a

few

all-white

neighborhoods. For

the

lllOst

part.

tile

new

black

families

had

incomes

and

aspirations

that

were

sf•flar

to

those

of

lheir

new

neighbors;

however.

the

"'1ite

111ajorlty

vi1Wed

wllh

ala,..

the

growing nurrber

of

•lnority

families.

Next.

typically.

racial

transition

has

occurred

when

whites

were

either

pushed

out

of

the

local

housing

market by

panic

peddling

realty

flnas

or.

as

has

been

ITOSl

often

the

case

.

white

families

have dropped

out

of

the

housing

market

for

racially

diverse

neighborhoods. This

racial

transition

has

been

~deled

to

show

how

resegregation

and

Integration

take

place

in

the

dual and

unitary

housing

markets.

The

Market

Model

and Economic Models

111ay

help

you

understand

the

p~ocess

of

racial

resegregatlon

. These

are

outlined

on the

following

page

s.

SEGREGATION

-

RESEGREGATION

MOOCL

Nel

qhborhoods and

corrmum

t 1es

resegrega

te

1n a fa I

rly

predictable

process.

The

market irodel

of

resegregatlon

may

help

you

understand

the

dual

housinq

market.

MARKET

MODEL

OF

RACIAL

SEGREGATION

-

RES[GREGATION

1. All

white

neighborhood (no

homes

sold

to

blacks).

Separate

black

neighbor-

hood.

2.

A

few

blacks

move

into

previously

all-white

neighborhood and

whites

leave

housing

1111rket

(irost

homes

so

ld

tD

blacks)

3.

Area becoines

111-black

(no

homes

sold

to

whites)

TH£

PROCfSS

Of

INT£GRATIOH

CA~

AtSO

BE

OtfTtlNEO

IN

A

THRE£-ST£P

MOOEt

1

s:epa;:ite

racial

ne-ighborlioods (no

hOlles

sold

to

other

race)

.

2.

Some

people

of

other

race

rove

into

the

neighborhoods.

3.

Whites and

blacks

freely

compete

for

housing.

AJIEA

JS

SLICCESSFULL

Y

JHTEGAATED

1-4

The

process

of

racial

resegregdtlon

c

an

al ~n

·•

" ••

rstood

by

examining an

economic

model

based upon market

forces.

First

let

us

consider

the

housing market supply-

oemand

functions.

Figure

2

represents

the

initial

stage

of

the

resegregation

ncdel.

Demand

for

housing

is

represented

by

curve

0. The

supply

of

housing

is

represented

by

curve

S.

As

long

as

the

total

population

vying

for

housing in

the

corrrnunity

stays

fixed

- curve 0

will

remain

fixed

. S.

the

supply

curve.

will

remain

fixed

unless

new

housing

is

built

.

1-5

Figure

3

S

in

ce

the

dual housing market

exist

s,

then

It

~ h

ould

be

possible

to

identify

the

impact of

ra

ci

al

r

ese

gregation

Figure

3 shows what

wi

11

occur

wh

en

a

minorit

y

population

begin

s

to

compete

for

housln(j The supply

of

housing

w11

1 remain cons

tant.

however.

the

demand

curve

will

shift

to

a

new

position

,

D.

becau

se

more

fam

ili

es

are

competing for

hou

s

in

Q

Note

th

at

the

price

of

housing

increase

s.

If

lhe

co

nmunity

continues

to

at

tract

both

majority

and

m

in

ority

fami

l

ies,

then a

unitary

market

exists.

1-6

Figure

4

Unfortunatel

y.

often

majority

demand

for

housing

"dries

up" and

the

supply-

demand

functions

shift

to

another

configuration

as

shown on

Fioure

4.

The

supply

curve

remains

constant.

however. a

new

demand

cu

r

ve.

oll.

is

created

which

is

less

than

the

original

curve.

The

minority

population

alone

cannot

produce

the

of

demand. Once

majority

famiJ;es

stop

competinq

for

housing

in

a

c:OOl1lunity

the

prices

fall.

1- 7

Figure 5

The

key

to underst.•rding the process

of

ra

cial

resegregation

is

that

whites

who

have

many

housing options can

easily

choose

from

a

wide

variety

of

neigh-

borhoods.

As

the

larqer

volume

white

del!lilnd

fo,. housing in a neighborhood

declines

it

is

replaced in the marketplace

by

the

lesser

volume

black

demand

for housing. This process tends to concentrate m

inorities

in

areas

where

apparent houslng opportunities

are

available

.

When

a neighborhood

is

Identi-

fied

as

"going black" the

White

demand

falls

off

to

almost nothing.

See

Figure

5.

Racial

Stability

Ra

c

ial

stability

is

described in

detail

in a

report

by

the National

Academy

of

Sciences.

"The

st

ability

of

mixed neighborhoods depends

on

a continuing balance

fn

the

racial

proportions between

the

initial

re

si

dents and the

new

ento-ants

..

If

a higher percentage

of

new

entrants

than of

residents

are

of

one

racial

category.

the

neighborhood

is.

in

a crucial sense, unstable

....

Complete

racial

transition

occurs

if

the

demand

for

hom&s

by

a previous minority in the area

is

large

enough

to absorb

all

the

properties

that

become

available

in the

neighborhood.

..

.

If

white

demand

is

reduced

significantly,

f

or

example. then

even

a rroderate level

of

non-white

demand

may

absorb

all

the housing un1ts

comi

ng

on

the market in a part1cular neighborhood. This

phenomenon

can occur

at

very

low

levels

of non-white

occupa

ncy.

As

it

doe

s. expectations

among

Whites

111ay

become

less

favorable

and

a

transistion

process accele

rated

.

...

Dema

nd

from

whi

tes

may

drop as the proportion

of

n

on-wh

ite

s

rises

. but

no

proportion

of

non-whites

is

so

large

as to

nBke

stability

~ithin

a develop-

ment

impossible. There

is

no

consiste

nt evidence

to

identify

a

particular

'scare

point'

at

which

whites will

flee

or

refuse

to

enter;

too

much

dep

end

s

on

local

circ1M11stances

....

Open

ac

cess

in

a free market

is

the ultimate o

bje

c-

tive.

Meanwhile. progress toward

equ

al opportunity

may

require

cou

nter-

v

ailing

intervention to

of

fset the

effects

of

dfscdminatlon...5 This

inter-

vention

is

called

affirmative marketing.

1-8

Affinnative

Marketing

Affirmative

marketing

may

be

the

single

most

important

technique

that

can

eliminate

the dual housing market.

Jt

is

a

positive,

race-conscious,

op

ti

on-expanding approach

to

housing which

attempts

to

rectify

the

effects

of

past

discrimination.

In

1972

the

federa

1 government took

its

first

steps

to advance

the

goa1

of

a

racially

integrated

society

with

the

publication

of

affirmative

market-

ing

regulations.

All

developers

using

FHA

insurance

are

required

to

file

affirmative

marketing

plans,

including

specific

"efforts

to

reach

those

persons

who

traditionally

would

not

have been

expected

to

apply

for

housing."

As

exarrples,

the

regulations

continue:

For

instance,

for

housing

in

a

white

suburban

area,

special

steps

may

be

needed

to

make

its

availability

known

to

minorities;

similar

ly

,

if

the

housing

is

located

in

an

area

of

minority

concentration

.

spe-

cial

steps

may

be needed

to

make

its

availability

known

to

whites.

Although

the

affirmative

marketing

regulations

have

very

l

imited

appli-

cability,

the

regulations

put

the

government on

record

as

recognizing

that

simply

legislating

future

equality

of

treatment

in

the

housing market has done

little

to

rectify

the

wrongs

of

the

past,

nor

has

legislation

undone

the

segre-

gated

living

patterns

that

are

the

legacy

of

the

dual housing market. H

UD,

in

issuing

the

regulations,

not

only

condoned,

but

required

that

people

of

differ-

ent

races

be

treated

differently

in

the

marketing

of

housing.

Differential

treatment

under

affirmative

marketing

is

designed

to

profll)te

integration,

that

is,

to

render

the

artificially

divided

market whole,

while

differential

treatment

under Jim

Crow

was

designed

to

preserve

segregation.

Affirmative

marketing has

nothing

to

do

with

the

establishment

of

racial

quotas. The

legitimate

governmental

function

of

promoting

residential

racial

diversity

which would

help

to

rectify

the

present

effects

of

past

discrimina-

tion,

much

of

it

government

supported,

must

not

be

carried

out

so

as

to

limit

options

of

individuals.

Affinnative

marketing does

not

suspend

Title

V

III

or

the

rights

affirmed

by

Jones

v. Mayer.

No

one

may

lawfully

be

denied

access

to

the

housing

of

his

or

her

choice

because

of

race.

Affirmative

marketing does

prescribe

a

mar

k

eting

approach by which

ra-

cia

ll

y conscious

attempts

are

made

to

create

an i

nte

grated

living

environment.

Special

outreach

efforts

are

used

to

attract

racial

groups

to

a corrmunity

that

are

overlooked

in

the

real

estate

market. In

some

instances.

whites

can and

shou

ld

be

defined

as

the

underrepresented

group and

be

targeted

for

special

outreach programs.6

This

guide

shows

how

to

implement

an

aff

inna

tive

marketing program.

1-9

Notes

1.

Report

of

the

Nat1onal Advisory

Co111111ttee

on

Civil

Disorders.

1968,

p.

1.

2.

U.S.

COllllliss1on on Civ11

Rights,

"Underst

anding

Fair

Housing."

Clearing-

house

Publication

42,

1973,

p.

3.

3. 42. u.s.c.

Sec.

3601,

1968.

4.

Portions

of

the

fol

lowing were

taken

from:

Dud

ley Onderdonk,

D.

DeMarco. and

K.

Cardona.

"Integration

in

Housing,

A

Plan

for

Racial

Diversity."

Village

of

Park

Forest.

1977.

D.

Onderdonk, and

M.

West,

"Racial

Resegregation

and

the

Dual Housing

Market."

1978, {Mimeographed.)

5.

Advisory

Conmittee to

the

Department

of

Housing

and

Urban

Development,

National

Academy

of

Sciences.

"Freedom

of

Choice

in

Housing:

Opportunities

and

Constraints."

1972,

pp.

18-19.

6. Dudley Onderdonk, "Overcoming

the

Dua

l Housing Market Through

Affirmative

Marketing."

Chal lenTe

U.

S. Department

of

Housing

and Urban Development,

Washington,

O.C.,

vo . 10. no. 4.

April

1979, pp.

6-9.

1-10

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